The end of the Cold War has had important repercussions upon the traditional roles of the militaries in many Western and non-Western countries. This changing international environment with the start of new times, where post-modern militaries have emerged, has also led to a major revision of civil-military relations (CMR) theories. The collapse of communism and the bipolar world have paved the way for new times in which the armed forces face serious challenges amid the fundamental changes in the international context in which they operate and in the social structure of the societies in which they are embedded.(1) Some theorists, such as Moskos, Williams, and Segal, argue that the militaries of these new times-which are prevalent mostly in the Western countries-can be labeled "postmodern militaries" since their threat perceptions and missions have changed to a great extent.(2) Post-Cold War CMR theories not only aim to explain the impact of the international context upon the militaries of the West, but they also deal with the new context in which many non-Western countries are embedded. Unlike the previous emphasis on military coup d ' etats or praetorianism, these theories mostly point to the need for more democratic control of armed forces within the larger framework of democratization. Most of the countries that are the subjects of these theories are the new democracies of the former communist Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, who face a serious challenge regarding their roles in the new domestic and international political and strategic environment.(3) More specifically, the military profession in these countries is faced with the problem of maintaining military effectiveness while responding to "democratization."(4) Most recently, Cottey, Edmunds, and Forster, with a focus on the CEE postcommunist regimes, have pointed out "the necessity of reconceptualizing civil-military relations in terms of democratic governance of the defense and security sector and the democratic legitimacy, governance and accountability of a state ' s civil-military relationship. "(5) They refer to this as the second-generation problematic. Some recent CMR theories deal with outside triggers that play an important role in democratizing civil-military relations in these countries. These theories point to the importance of a number of transnational institutional structures that have been established with the specific aim (among others) of encouraging the democratization of civil-military relationS.(6) They further argue that the combination of transnational norms and institutions, backed up by political conditionality, create strong pressures for the CEE countries to democratize their civil-military relations. The applications of the CEE countries in the 1990s for membership in the European Union (EU), their accession in May 2004, and their inclusion within the enlarged North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), reinforced the importance of the consolidation of democracy and encouraged the political and military leaders in these countries to adapt to the standards of the Western democracies, since the existence of a smoothly functioning democracy is a sine qua non for membership as set forth at the Copenhagen European Council in 1993. NATO and the EU are institutions through which the West has been using conditionality to encourage the democratization of CMR in central and eastern Europe, and more specifically the "democratic control of the armed forces. ("7) Although the CEE countries are examined in depth by CMR theories, there is neglect in the case of Turkey, which has a rather controversial position regarding this matter. Turkey has been a member of NATO since 1952, and therefore NATO membership has not been a precondition for democratic control of its armed forces. Instead, Turkey's long struggle to become a member of the EU in accordance with its modernization and westernization program has acted as an important outside trigger for democratization. Turkey had signed an Association Agreement with the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1963, much earlier than the CEE countries. However, as of yet, it has not been given a date for the start of negotiations for EU membership due to the non-fulfilment of the "political chapter" of Copenhagen criteria. One of the most imporTurkey's interests both at home and abroad. Of course, we respect the Constitution and the laws by which we receive our responsibility and power. We are always ready to cooperate with governments that are working sincerely. But there are vital issues for us on which we can not make any concession.(70).
