Order in phrase structure and movement

被引:88
作者
Saito, M
Fukui, N
机构
[1] Nanzan Univ, Dept Japanese, Showa Ku, Nagoya, Aichi 466, Japan
[2] Univ Calif Irvine, Dept Linguist, Irvine, CA 92697 USA
关键词
parameterized Merge; head parameter; optional movement; scrambling; adjunction" as substitution; substitution" as adjunction; Principle of Unique Licensing;
D O I
10.1162/002438998553815
中图分类号
H0 [语言学];
学科分类号
030303 ; 0501 ; 050102 ;
摘要
This article proposes the following mechanism of Merge, modifying and incorporating the effect of the head parameter: K = {gamma, [alpha, beta]}, where gamma is an element of {a, beta} a. gamma = alpha: head-initial, left-headed b. gamma = beta: head-final, right-headed It is argued that under the parameterized version of Merge, traditional "adjunction" operations (scrambling and heavy NP shift) are characterized as substitution in the sense that they always accompany the projection of the target, whereas traditional "substitution" operations (wh-movement and NP-movement) are analyzed as genuine adjunction. It is then shown that numerous empirical consequences follow from this theory of phrase structure and movement, including (a) the nature and distribution of optional movements, (b) an elegant account of some peculiar properties of specifiers, and (c) a new unification of adjunct and subject condition effects, with a natural explanation of the parametric variation associated with the latter effect.
引用
收藏
页码:439 / 474
页数:36
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