Grammatical agreement processing in reading: ERP findings and future directions

被引:250
作者
Molinaro, Nicola [1 ]
Barber, Horacio A. [2 ]
Carreiras, Manuel [1 ,3 ,4 ]
机构
[1] Basque Ctr Cognit Brain & Language, BCBL, Donostia San Sebastian, Spain
[2] Univ La Laguna, Dept Psicol Cognit, Tenerife, Spain
[3] Basque Fdn Sci, Bilbao, Spain
[4] Univ Basque Country, Dept Filol Vasca, Bilbao, Spain
关键词
Agreement comprehension; ERPs; LAN; N400; P600; EVENT-RELATED POTENTIALS; SYNTACTIC POSITIVE SHIFT; BRAIN POTENTIALS; SENTENCE COMPREHENSION; VERB AGREEMENT; ELECTROPHYSIOLOGICAL EVIDENCE; SEMANTIC INTEGRATION; GENDER AGREEMENT; NUMBER AGREEMENT; RELATIVE CLAUSES;
D O I
10.1016/j.cortex.2011.02.019
中图分类号
B84 [心理学]; C [社会科学总论]; Q98 [人类学];
学科分类号
03 ; 0303 ; 030303 ; 04 ; 0402 ;
摘要
In the domain of written sentence comprehension, the computation of agreement dependencies is generally considered as a form-driven processing routine whose domain is syntactic in nature. In the present review we discuss the main findings emerging in the Event-Related Potential (ERP) literature on sentence comprehension, focusing on the different dimensions of agreement patterns (features, values, constituents involved and language): Agreement mismatches usually evoke a biphasic electrophysiological pattern (Left Anterior Negativity - LAN, 300-450 msec and P600 after 500 msec). This ERP pattern is assumed to reflect rule-based computations sensitive to formal (inflectional) covariations of related words (trigger-target). Here we claim that agreement processing is sensitive to both the type of feature involved and the constituents that express the agreement dependency. More specifically, LAN could reflect violation of expectancy (elicited by the trigger) for the target functional morphology; later, trigger and target are structurally integrated at the sentence level (earlyP600). However, morphosyntactic information could trigger the activation of higher-level representations that are not strictly syntactic in nature. The recruitment of this additional non-syntactic information (mirrored by N400-like effects) indicates that rule-based computations of agreement dependencies are not blind to non-syntactic information but are often recruited to establish sentence-level relations. (C) 2011 Elsevier Srl. All rights reserved.
引用
收藏
页码:908 / 930
页数:23
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