Movement and control

被引:385
作者
Hornstein, N [1 ]
机构
[1] Univ Maryland, Dept Linguist, College Pk, MD 20742 USA
关键词
obligatory control; nonobligatory control; Minimal Link Condition; greed;
D O I
10.1162/002438999553968
中图分类号
H0 [语言学];
学科分类号
030303 ; 0501 ; 050102 ;
摘要
Since the earliest days of generative grammar, control has been distinguished from raising: the latter the product of movement operations, the former the result of construal processes relating a PRO to an antecedent. This article argues that obligatory control structures are also formed by movement. Minimalism makes this approach viable by removing D-Structure as a grammatical level. Implementing the suggestion, however, requires eliminating the last vestiges of D-Structure still extant in Chomsky's (1995) version of the Minimalist Program. In particular, it requires dispensing with the theta-Criterion and adopting the view that theta-roles are featurelike in being able to license movement.
引用
收藏
页码:69 / 96
页数:28
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